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A Brief Note on the Politics of the 'Serious Thriller' in 30s Britain

Unlike their American counterparts, British writers like Graham Greene  and Eric Ambler  were never inclined to give a sympathetic role to the armed gangster and were much more likely to class  any violent criminal as a psychopath, the man excluded from the human community .  There was a deep-rooted sense that criminality and violence  were inherently un-British.  In comparison to America, with its more visible urban  crime and its Prohibition  gangsterism , British criminals were decidedly low profile, providing little material for a romanticised  gangster mythology.  Involved mainly in activities like protection, racecourse racketeering and street-betting, they were not known for shootings and machine gun battles, tending instead to sort out their quarrels with chivs, knives and bottles.  It was only in the 1940s, after taking advantage of wartime opportunities for organising rationing, gambling  and prostitution, that 'spivs and racketeers entered the public consciousness and...began to appear in films  and novels.' [i]   There are some notable crime-centred British novels written before 1945, but criminals who are largely sympathetic are also unarmed and undangerous, and violent psychopaths  are distinctly un-British.  Most often, in fact, they are the kind of men who would unhesitatingly 'split with Hitler'.

            Passing references to Hitler  aside [ii] , the main political  thrust of the American gangster  novel during this period is domestic.  In England and often also in continental Europe, on the other hand, the 'great man' as 'great gangster' analogy was recurrently related to the rise of fascism .  In Germany such comparisons were quickly suppressed.  Banned immediately after the Nazi  take-over, Fritz Lang 's Testament of Dr. Mabuse  (1933) was made, according to Lang, 'as an allegory to show Hitler's processes of terrorism' by putting Nazi slogans, doctrines and paranoid ambitions into the mouths of criminals. [iii]   Brecht , in Arturo Ui , cast a comically de-romanticised  gangster as a man of power, but again this was clearly not a work likely to find favour in Nazi Germany.  Written in 1941 but not performed for nearly two decades (1958), Brecht's 'parable play' satirises  Hitler's rise to power as the take over of a Chicago gangster, 'the biggest gangster of all times'  following 'the call of destiny', securing peace with machine guns and rubber truncheons (8; 95).   For British writers of this period, living in a country dominated by the fear of an impending war , violence  was not generally admitted as an understandable response to economic  deprivation and powerlessness.  Instead, there was the nightmare image of the 'civilised normality' of England menaced by the unnatural monstrosity of fascist  violence. 
            As is apparent in Orwell 's response to James Hadley Chase 's No Orchids for Miss Blandish , in the context of the late thirties, even the non-political  representation of the psychopathic  gangster  tends to be read in relation to continental political violence .  Chase's novel struck Orwell as a debased American import that unwittingly expressed the moral atmosphere of fascism .   Immensely popular, selling over a million copies in the first five years, [iv] No Orchids was adapted first for the theatre and then for the cinema (by St John L. Clowes  in 1948).  The film raised an outcry both because of its obvious debt to American gangster films  and because of its sex, perversion and sadism . [v]   The most obvious influence on Chase's conception was Popeye in Faulkner 's Sanctuary  (1931), with his jerking hat and 'vicious cringing' look, a misbegotten, impotent embodiment of pathological violence quite unlike the very human criminals of most American thrillers of the thirties and early forties.  In popular film and fiction, there were (as in the character of Doc in Nobody Lives Forever ) minor psychopathic characters lurking at the margins, but the 'psychologising ' of the gangster-protagonist is mainly, in the United States, a post-war  phenomenon, evident in such Cagney  films as White  Heat  (1949) and Kiss Tomorrow Goodbye .  In No Orchids, the violent gangster, Slim, is a mother-dominated psychopath  comparable to Cagney in White Heat, but without any of the romantic  rebel overtones.  He is an 'idiot' who is 'mean and bad right through'.  The explanation of his having a background 'typical' for a 'pathological killer' (28) bears more than a passing similarity to Popeye's profile.  The descriptions of Slim in the act of killing are used to evoke horror.  As his idiot mask slips to reveal the killer, the reader is told that he feels 'the same odd ecstasy' he always felt when killing (34).  The social critique implicit in Chase's novel is quite different from that in the American gangster novels we have examined.  Slim is not a product of his society but, like any threatening external force, he is a test of its resolve.  Whereas American writers of the time use the rise of the gangster and his violent aggression as an analogue for the ambitious careers of those at the top, Chase presents Slim a as perverted and monstrous creature who is dangerous because modern 'good time' society lacks the moral fibre to stand against him.  As Miss Blandish says of being held in captivity by Slim, '"I'm a person without any background, any character or any faith...I haven't believed in anything except having a good time"' (155-6).    
            Writers of more 'serious' thrillers than those of Chase  used the figure of the gangster  to engage explicitly with the political  dangers and tensions of the late thirties.  Graham Greene , in particular, uses psychotic, dehumanised criminal  types to image the extremity of brutally aggressive behaviour. [vi]   In Gun for Sale (1936) and Brighton Rock  (1938) Greene associates violence  with those who are on the margins of society, literally and symbolically homeless and untutored in English decency and 'respectability'.  Both Raven and Pinkie are characterised as immature.  They do not possess the kind of redeeming innocence of, say, Anderson 's young outlaws but are distorted personalities, born to violence and 'doomed to be juvenile', [vii] and thus beyond all possibility of growth or change.  In Gun for Sale, Raven's name, his background and his physical appearance all mark him out as wholly other.  He is less than human, with his hare-lip, his ugliness, his 'bitter screwed-up figure', his inner coldness and his failed sexuality (5). Greene does include in the novel two caricatured figures (Major Calkin and Buddy Fergusson) whose behaviour suggests the presence within Britain of the home -grown masculine aggression traditionally associated with the sensational thriller and adventure  story.  But whereas these men are linked to fantasy  violence, Raven is the thing itself.  He is an abomination metaphorically paired with his gun, 'dark and thin and made for destruction' (13). 
            An altogether more complex character, Pinkie is explained in both socio-economic  and theological terms.  He possesses a viciousness that is a consequence of social injustice and exploitation but is also a central actor in Greene's  drama of good and evil.  Having begun with the intention of producing a crime story, Greene shifted the novel towards a theological vision that required a conception of evil going far beyond a socially conditioned corruption of values, and the fact that he was able to incorporate the young gangster  in such a vision suggests how completely he had detached his violent criminal  from human normality.  Pinkie, like Scarface , is scarred, but in his case the scarring is not simply the mark of initiation into the world's violent realities but part of a cluster of physical and psychological traits that conventionally distinguish the dehumanised villain.  Again, what we see is a stunted appearance, sexual abnormality and a diseased pathological violence  manifested in minutely detailed sadism .  These are the signs that ensure Pinkie's 'capacity for damnation' but also, on a more secular level, make it natural for Greene to relate his gangland aspirations to continental political  threats.  The power Pinkie wants for himself is that wielded by Colleoni, boss of 'the great racket', whose expansive gestures map 'the World as Mr Colleoni visualised it'.  Pinkie, challenging his power, is imaged as 'a young dictator' of unlimited ambition, his breast aching 'with the effort to enclose the whole world' (132-5).



[i] Steve Chibnall and Robert Murphy (eds), British Crime Cinema (London: Routledge, 1999), 5-7.
[ii] There is, for example, in Love's Lovely Counterfeit ,  134-5, a passing comparison of an ex-gangster  boss to Hitler .
[iii] 'Fritz Lang ', New York World Telegram, 11 June 1941, quoted by Siegfried Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler : A Psychological History of the German Film (Princeton University Press, 1947; 1974), 248-9.
[iv] Monthly Film Bulletin (April 1948), 47, quoted by Chibnall and Murphy, 38 and 8-9.
[v] Brian McFarlane, 'Outrage: No Orchids For Miss Blandish', in Chibnall and Murphy, 37-50.
[vi] Borde and Chaumeton credit Greene  with playing a role 'in the birth of film noir  (This Gun For Hire), in the acclimatization of noir in England (Brighton Rock ), and in its international development.'  Quoted by Naremore, 48.
[vii] Greene , Ways of Escape (Harmondsworth, Middx.: Penguin, 1981), 56-7.